Tang Yinchu

China's National Defense in 2010: Background, Content, Highlights, and Reflections

Tang Yinchu, Senior Advisor, CIISS

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Извор/Source: International Strategic Studies, 3, 2011, serial No. 101, pp 89-100, China Institute for International Strategic Studies, Beijing, China

Објављено по посебној дозволи у е-библиотеци „Философија рата и мира“ у оквиру Културне мреже „Пројекта Растко“ • Published under a special permission in “Philosophy of War and Peace” E-library by Project Rastko Cultural Network

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Abstract; The white paper China’s National Defense in 2010 (hereafter abbreviated as the Defense White Paper), abiding by the objective law of "keeping pace with the times", all-dimensionally manifests the rapid deepening of China's connection and interaction with the world. The Defense White Paper demonstrates and pledges the basis and determination of China pursuing a national defense policy which is defensive in nature, systemically introduces the new development in the construction and deployment of Chinese armed forces, and completely presents the important role of Chinese armed forces in building mutual trust and maintaining world peace. The Defense White Paper has four highlights. The author of this article gives his novel comment on the relevant issues of "China military threat theory", "military's transparency" , the so-called Chinese-style "Monroe Doctrine", the building of military mutual trust, and cross-Straits military security mechanism of mutual trust, etc.

 

On March 31, 2011, the Chinese government published the white paper entitled China's National Defense in 2010. This is the seventh Defense White Paper the Chinese government has issued since 1998. After its publication, the international community responded actively and positively in general, but a small number of Western media outlets were still stuck with the obsolete concepts of "China threat theory" , "lack of transparency" and Chinese-style "Monroe Doctrine", making irresponsible remarks to their utmost on the White Paper. With regard to this, I make the following interpretations for the readers in order to ensure a correct understanding of the Defense White Paper.

I . Background

China's Defense White Papers since 1998 have distinctive features:

The 1998 Defense White Paper created the first complete framework of white paper on national defense in line with international practice and with Chinese characteristics, which has remained in use ever since;

The 2000 Defense White Paper addressed the Taiwan question for the first time in the Chapter of National Defense Policy, reiterating that fomenting secession would mean the disruption of cross-Straits peace;

The 2002 Defense White Paper systematically elaborated on the military strategy for the New Period and added a new Chapter of "The Armed Forces", which gave a comprehensive overview of the composition of the People's Liberation Army, the Chinese People's Armed Police Force and the Militia, particularly introducing the Army, Navy, Air Force and the Second Artillery Force;

The 2004 Defense White Paper framed Revolution in Military Affairs with Chinese Characteristics as a separate chapter, demonstrated the basic policy principles of promoting revolution in military affairs with Chinese characteristics, and added expositions of "downsizing the PLA by 200,000", "strengthening the Navy, Air Force and Second Artillery Force", and "speeding up informationization" etc.;

The 2006 Defense White Paper put forward the conception for the first time that China pursues a three-step development strategy in modernizing its national defense and armed forces, published China's nuclear strategy and exposited the major development strategy of the Navy, Air Force and Second Artillery Force;

The 2008 Defense White Paper, based on the exposition of China's "three-step" development strategy for modernizing its national defense and armed forces in the 2006 Defense White Paper, enunciated for the first time the strategic framework of China's national defense development, which mainly includes: promoting the informationization of China's national defense and armed forces, overall planning of economic development and national defense building, deepening the reform of national defense and armed forces, and following the course of step-change development. It also explained the basic mission of China's strategic missile force and the concrete tasks of China's nuclear missile force and for the first time disclosed the basic change in China's defense expenditure in the past three decades of reform and opening up.

When we trace the change in the content of the above-mentioned six Defense

White Papers, it is not difficult to find that with the change of times, the continuously changing security environment and China's growing national strength and military strength, China's Defense White Papers have become increasingly profound, informative, and transparent. However, it should be pointed out that this move on the part of the Chinese government is neither meant to play up to those who advocate the "China threat theory", nor to please those in the West who make frivolous remarks on China's Defense White Paper. Instead, this is in keeping with the objective law of "keeping pace with the times" and is the inevitable reaction to the deepening of China's connection and interaction with the world.

 II . Main contents

China's 2010 Defense White Paper maintains the previously established framework, which comprises the preface, the main body and the appendix. The main body is about 30, 000 words, divided into 10 chapters. The body mainly accentuates three points; First, adjusting to the new changes in the world economic and political pattern, further demonstrating and pledging the basis and determination of China pursuing a national defense policy which is defensive in nature; Second, introducing the new development in Armed Forces construction and deployment in terms of the accomplishment of the military's historical missions at the new stage in the new century; Third, fully exhibiting the important role of Chinese armed forces in building mutual trust and maintaining world peace by focusing on creating security environment favorable to peaceful development. To summarize, China's 2010 Defense White Paper contains the content in the following 5 aspects:

1. Assessment of the Security Situation On the whole, the international situation remains peaceful and stable, but is meanwhile undergoing profound and complex changes. One the one hand, the progress toward economic globalization and a multi-polar world is irreversible, as is the advance toward the informationization of society. The trend of the times toward peace, development and cooperation is irresistible. Economic interdependence among various countries has been enhanced; shared challenges have been increasing; and communication, coordination and cooperation have become mainstream in relationships among the world's major powers. As factors conducive to maintaining peace and containing conflict continue to grow, mankind can look forward to a future that is bright on the whole. On the other hand, however, the international security situation has become more complex, international strategic competition and contradictions are intensifying, global challenges are becoming more prominent, security threats are becoming increasingly integrated, complex and volatile, and international military competition remains fierce.

The Asia-Pacific security situation is generally stable. Nevertheless, it is becoming more intricate and volatile. On the one hand, Asia has taken the lead in economic recovery, and its rise as a whole has been sustained. With an enhanced sense of shared interests and destiny, Asian countries have seized the opportunities presented by economic globalization and regional economic integration, and maintained a commitment to promoting economic development and regional stability, and the

Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) is playing a growing role in promoting regional stability and development. On the other hand, Asia-Pacific regional hotspot issues drag on and with no solution in sight. There is intermittent tension on the Korean Peninsula. The security situation in Afghanistan remains serious. Political turbulence persists in some countries. The United States is reinforcing its regional military alliances, and increasing its involvement in regional security affairs.

China is still enjoying a period of important strategic opportunities for its development, and the overall security environment for it remains favorable, but it is also confronted by more diverse and complex security challenges. On the one hand, it has coped effectively with the impact of the international financial crisis, and maintained a steady and relatively rapid economic growth. China has vigorously protected national security and social stability, and its comprehensive national strength has reached a new level. The Chinese government has formulated and implemented principles and policies for advancing peaceful development of cross-Straits relations in the new situation in order to promote and maintain peace and stability in the area. Significant and positive progress has been achieved in cross-Straits relations. On the other hand, China is confronted by more diverse and complex security challenges. China has vast territories and territorial waters. It is in a critical period for the building of a moderately prosperous society in an all-round way. Therefore, it faces heavy tasks in safeguarding national security. The "Taiwan independence" separatist forces and their activities remain the primary obstacle and threat to the peaceful development of cross-Straits relations. Separatist forces for "East Turkistan independence" and "Tibet independence" have inflicted serious damage on national security and social stability. The pressure is building up against the protection of China's territorial integrity and maritime rights and interests. The real threat of terrorism still exists, and other non-traditional security concerns, such as energy, resources, finance, information and natural disasters, are on the rise. Suspicion about China, interference and impediments against China from the outside are on the increase. The United States, in defiance of the three Sino-US joint communiqués, continues to sell weapons to Taiwan, severely undermining the Sino-US relations and impairing the peaceful development of cross-Straits relations.

2. The goals and tasks of China's national defense in the new era Safeguarding national sovereignty, security and interests of national development; to guard against and resist aggression, defend the security of China's lands, inland waters, territorial waters and air-space, safeguard its maritime rights and interests, and maintain its security interests in space, electromagnetic space and cyber space; to oppose and contain the separatist forces for "Taiwan independence, " crack down on separatist forces for "East Turkistan independence" and "Tibet independence, " and defend national sovereignty and territorial integrity; to comply with and serve the country's development and security strategies and to safeguard this important period of strategic opportunities for national development.

Maintaining social harmony and stability: the Chinese armed forces loyally follow the tenet of serving the people heart and soul. They are committed to actively participating in and supporting national economic and social development, and safeguarding national security and social stability in accordance with the law; to making preparations for military operations other than war in a scientific way, working out predesigned strategic programs against non-traditional security threats, reinforcing the building of specialized forces for emergency response, and enhancing capabilities in counter-terrorism and stability maintenance, emergency rescue and the protection of security; to resolutely undertaking urgent, difficult, dangerous, and arduous tasks of emergency rescue and disaster relief, thereby securing lives and property of the people; and to resolutely subduing all subversive and sabotage activities by hostile forces, as well as violent and terrorist activities.

Accelerating the modernization of national defense and the armed forces: to bear in mind the primary goal of accomplishing mechanization and attaining major progress in informationization by 2020 and to persevere with mechanization as the foundation and informationization as the driving force, making extensive use of its achievements in information technology, and stepping up the composite and integrated development of mechanization and informationization; to expand and make profound preparations for military struggle, which serve as both pull and impetus to the overall development of modernization; to intensify theoretical studies on joint operations under conditions of informationization, advance the development of high-tech weaponry and equipment, develop new types of combat forces, and strive to establish joint operation systems in conditions of informationization.

Maintaining world peace and stability: China consistently upholds the new security concepts of mutual trust, mutual benefit, equality and coordination; advocates the settlement of international disputes and regional hotspot issues through peaceful means, opposes resort to the use or threat to use of force at will, opposes acts of aggression and expansion, and opposes hegemony and power politics in any form; China conducts military exchanges with other countries following the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, develops cooperative military relations that are non-aligned, non-confrontational and not directed against any third party, and promotes the establishment of just and effective collective security mechanisms and mechanisms for building military mutual trust; China takes part in UN peace-keeping operations, maritime escort, international counter-terrorism cooperation and disaster relief operations.

3. Modernization of national defense and the People's Liberation Army

China's 2010 Defense White Paper elaborates on informationization, joint operation systems, military training, political work, logistics system, weaponry and equipment, etc., and presents the strategic requirements and building orientation of the Army, Navy, Air Force and Second Artillery Force as follows.

In line with the strategic requirements of mobile operations and tri-dimensional offense and defense, the PLA Army (PLAA) has invested additional efforts in reform. innovation and development, and advanced the overall transformation of the service. The PLAA has emphasized the development of new types of combat forces, optimized its organization and structure, strengthened military training in conditions of informationization, accelerated the digitized upgrading and retrofitting of main battle weaponry, organically deployed new types of weapon platforms, and significantly boosted its capabilities in long-distance maneuvers and integrated assaults.

In line with the requirements of off-shore defense strategy, the PLA Navy (PLAN) endeavors to accelerate the modernization of its integrated combat forces, enhances its capabilities in strategic deterrence and counterattack, and develops its capabilities of conducting cooperation in distant waters and countering non-traditional security threats. It seeks to further improve its combat capabilities through regularized and systematic basic training and actual combat training in complex electromagnetic environments. By organizing naval vessels for drills in distant waters, it develops training models for MOOTW missions. New types of submarines, frigates, aircrafts and large support vessels have been deployed as planned. The PLAN enhances the construction of composite support bases so as to build a shore-based support system which matches the deployment of forces and the development of weaponry and equipment.

To satisfy the strategic requirements of conducting both offensive and defensive operations, the modernization and transformation of the PLA Air Force (PLAAF) follows a carefully-structured plan. It strengthens and improves the PLAAF development and personnel development strategies, and enhances its research into the operation and transformation of air forces in conditions of informationization. The PLAAF is working to ensure the development of a combat force structure that fo­cuses on air strikes, air and missile defense and strategic projection, to improve its leadership and command system and build up an informationized, networked base support system.

Following the principle of building a lean and effective force, the PLA Second Artillery Force (PLASAF) strives to push forward its modernization and improves its capabilities in rapid reaction, penetration, precision strike, damage infliction, protection, and survivability, while steadily enhancing its capabilities in strategic deterrence and defensive operations. Over the years, the PLASAF has grown into a strategic force equipped with both nuclear and conventional missiles.

4. Deployment of the armed forces

Bearing in mind that the Chinese armed forces deals with various security threats, China's 2010 Defense White Paper summarizes the principle, practice and effect of the deployment of the armed forces from seven aspects—safeguarding border, coastal and territorial air security, maintaining social stability, participating in national construction, emergency rescue and disaster relief, participating in UN peacekeeping operations and etc. —and demonstrates the important role the armed forces plays in safeguarding national security and development interests, protecting the interests of the people, maintaining world peace and promoting common development.

5.       Defense expenditure

The 2010 Defense White Paper reiterates that China adheres to the principle of coordinated development of national defense and economy. In line with the demands of national defense and economic development, China defines a reasonable amount of defense expenditure, and mana­ges and uses its defense funds in accordance with the law. With the development of national economy and society, the increase of China's defense expenditure has been kept at a reasonable and appropriate level. In recent years, the share of China's annual defense expenditure in its GDP has remained relatively steady, while that in overall state financial expenditure has been moderately decreased. China's defense expenditure mainly comprises expenses for personnel, training and maintenance, and equipment, with each accounting for roughly one third of the total. China's defense expenditure was RMB 417. 876 billion in 2008 and RMB 495. 11 billion in 2009, up 17.5 percent and 18.5 percent respectively over the previous year. China's defense expenditure for 2010 is RMB532. 115 billion, up 7. 5 percent over 2009. The growth rate of defense expenditure has decreased. (Note: according to the latest data released by Chinese Government, the defense expenditure for 2011 is RMB601. 1 billion, up 12. 7 percent over last year).

The increase in China's defense expenditure in recent years has primarily been used for the following purposes: (1) Improving the welfare of the troops. Along with the economic and social development and the improvement of people's living standards, the PLA has adjusted servicemen's salaries and allowances, increased funding for education and training, water and electricity supplies and heating, upgraded logistics support for grass-roots units in a comprehensive and coordinated way, and improved the on-duty, training and living conditions of border and coastal defense forces and units in remote areas and harsh environments. (2) Accomplishing diversified military tasks: China has increased investment in improving capabilities of military operations other than war, in supporting earthquake rescue and disaster relief operations, in escort operations in the Gulf of Aden and waters off Somalia, in flood control and emergency rescue operations, and in international rescue operations. ( 3 ) Pushing forward with the Revolution in Military Affairs with Chinese characteristics. In view of the upward trend in purchasing prices and maintenance costs, China has moderately increased the funds for high-tech weaponry and equipment and their supporting facilities.

III. Four Highlights

First, the Defense White Paper puts forward for the first time that China continues to be in the important period of strategic opportunities. The major justification for this is: as is discussed previously, judging from both domestic and international situation, factors conducive to maintaining peace and containing conflict continue to grow and a world war is unlikely to take place in a long period of time. The development of the security situation continues to be in favor of China concentrating on peaceful development.

Second, the Defense White Paper puts forward for the first time the goal and principles of military confidence-building. The 2010 Defense White Paper holds that military confidence-building is an effective way to maintain national security and development, and safeguard regional peace and stability. The goal and principles are: to set common security as the goal with political mutual trust as the groundwork, to follow the principles of holding consultations on an equal footing, mutual respect for core interests and recognition of major security concerns, not targeting at any third country, and not threatening or harming other countries' security and stability.

Third, the Defense White Paper elaborates for the first time on a cross-Straits military security mechanism of mutual trust. The 2010 Defense White Paper believes that the two sides of the Taiwan Straits are destined to ultimate reunification in the course of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. It is the responsibility of the Chinese people on both sides of the Straits to work hand in hand to end the history of hostility, and to avoid repeating the history of armed conflict between fellow countrymen. The two sides should take a positive attitude toward the future, and strive to create favorable conditions to gradually resolve, through consultation on an equal footing, both issues left from the past and new ones that emerge in the development of cross-Straits relations. The two sides may have pragmatic discussions on political relations considering the special situation that China is not yet reunified. The two sides can have contacts and exchanges on military issues at an appropriate time and negotiate a military security mechanism of mutual trust, in a bid to take joint actions to further stabilize cross-Straits relations and ease concerns over military security. The two sides should hold consultations on the basis of upholding the one-China principle to put an official end to hostility and reach a peace agreement.

Fourth, the Defense White Paper gives for the first time a comprehensive introduction to establishing joint operation systems. The PLA takes the building of joint operation systems as the focal point of its modernization and preparations for military struggle, and strives to enhance its fighting capabilities based on information systems. The major measures include: intensifying research into operational theories, strengthening the building of combat forces, improving operational command systems, enhancing integrated support capabilities and bettering joint support mechanisms, etc.

IV. Some reflections

1. On the "China military threat theory"

After China released its 2010 Defense White Paper, a handful of Western media outlets and research institutions bandied about the so-called "China military threat theory" again. For example, the think-tank of Japanese Ministry of Defense "National Institute for Defense Studies" published the China Security Report on April 1, claiming that the development of China's military power is a threat to Japan and even irresponsibly remarking that a war between China and Japan would be "unavoidable". In fact, since 2005, the United States has again tossed the "China military threat theory" to the foreground after certain adjustments during the war on terror over the years since "9/11". China's economic rise-striving for a political power-extraordinarily developing military power-challenging the U. S. position-threatening regional security—this has become the stereotypical chain of thought some Western politicians and media employ in hyping the "China military threat theory". Under the concentrated hype, different versions of "China military threat theory" such as China "conventional submarine threat", "anti-satellite weapons threat", "anti-ship ballistic missile threat", "new type of nuclear submarine threat", etc. have appeared in succession.

Generally speaking, the continuously escalating "China military threat theory" among Western countries displays the following characteristics: Firstly, in terms of the brains behind the scenes, they come from two sources: one is western media, another is traditional anti-China forces. Secondly, in terms of the duration of the "China military threat theory", it is becoming a regular occurrence. Thirdly, in terms of the content, the " China Navy threat" is the main part of the "China military threat theory".

In my opinion, the negative influence of the "China military threat theory" is undoubtedly noteworthy. The reasons are: on the one hand, "China military threat theory" has become the excuse and basis for the United States, Japan and other countries to impose the pressure of public opinion on China and continue to strengthen their military alliance; on the other hand, with the persistent influence of "China military threat theory", some countries around China have started to increase their armament investments, conducting strict observation and surveillance over China's military deployment, cruises and duty shifts on islands and reefs in the South China Sea, and make strong remarks from time to time.

In addition, confronted with the persistence of "China military threat theory", we should be soberly aware that the Western countries' attention to China military power derives from the concern over their own interests. The trend of the "China military threat theory" to become a regular occurence is independent of China's will. Hence, clearing away the obstacles and continuously accelerating revolution in military affairs with Chinese characteristics towards the established goal should be the path that China's military adheres to. Of course, this perception does not indicate China's inability to act. On the contrary, the negative influence of the "China military threat theory" should be actively contained and eliminated. Feasible measures include: to release information at the right moment through enhancing national defense publicity, clarifying the strategy and intention of our National defense and clearing away world's doubts and suspicions about China; to positively guide international opinions, taking initiatives at the right moment and strengthening publicity; to adhere to the principle of political mutual trust supporting military mutual trust; to enhance military exchanges with other countries and promote mutual understanding between the militaries and etc.

2. On "Military transparency"

After the release of China's 2010 Defense White Paper, certain westerners still suspected that China had "invisible military expenditure" and held that Chinese military lacked transparency.

I would like to make three points. Firstly, military's transparency is relative, not absolute. Certainly, this argument does not attempt to deny that transparency can improve credibility. Secondly, there is connection between military's transparency and credibility, but this connection is not a must. The key is whether the actors share enough common interests and whether they respect the others' strategic interests. Thirdly, transparency can be a means of enhancing mutual trust, but mutual trust is meanwhile a precondition of transparency. Transparency without mutual trust has no practical meaning and is unable to genuinely eradicate threat and fear, which has been proved by the history of the U. S. and U. S. S. R. contending for hegemony in the Cold War.

3. On the Chinese version of "Monroe Doctrine"

Monroe Doctrine was a policy statement articulated by former U. S. President Monroe in the 1823 State Of The Union Address. In the statement, the United States repudiated the direct or indirect control by European empires over the newly independent Latin American countries. At that time, no European accepted the "Monroe Doctrine" as law—Otto von Bismarck dismissed it as an insolent dogma. However, the U. S. President Roosevelt vouched in 1908 "the Monroe Doctrine grows strong and powerful with the U. S. and cannot be stronger". Later at the Paris Peace Conference following the end of the World War I, the U. S. delegates managed to incorporate the "Monroe Doctrine" into the Covenant of the League of Nations. Article 21 of the Covenant declares that "Nothing in this Covenant shall be deemed to affect the validity of international engagements, such as treaties of arbitration or regional understandings like the Monroe doctrine, for securing the maintenance of peace". As a result, "Monroe Doctrine" acquired a kind of quasilegal standing".

Connected with the above-mentioned " China military threat theory", on 28 March, three days before the release of China's 2010 Defense White Paper, the website of Japan's Magazine The Diplomat published an article by James R. Holmes, the associate professor at the U. S. Naval War College, commenting on the future of China's Navy, which made use of the subject and claimed that "China's Navy increasingly displays Chinese Monroe Doctrine" for the reasons that "many seafaring states fear that China wants to turn its exclusive economic zone into sovereign waters so that freedom of navigation would probably suffer".

Will a Chinese version of "Monroe Doctrine" appear in the seas of Asia? The answer is certainly negative.

The author believes that the Japanese Media was coining a groundless Chinese "Monroe Doctrine" following the logic of "China military threat theory". Actually, China has stated explicitly to adhere to the provisions of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea and does not object to foreign ships' entitlement to freedom of navigation in its exclusive economic zone. What it objects is the navigation in its exclusive economic zone inflicting damage on China's security, such as the U. S. spy ship in the exclusive economic zone of the South China Sea conducting reconnaissance of Chinese Nuclear Submarine Bascthe U. S. Aircraft Carrier battle group carrying out military exercises just before China's gateway in the Yellow Sea and etc., all of which were not allowed by the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea.

4. On military confidence -building

"Military confidence-building" was also mentioned in previous Defense White Papers, but is framed in a separate chapter for the first time in the 2010 Defense White Paper, which is of profound significance. Experts believe its deep significance lies in that;

First, the strategic position of military confidence-building is elevated. In the past, mutual trust was regarded as a part of security cooperation, a concrete measure, while now it is emphasized as the precondition and foundation of security cooperation, an effective way to maintain na­tional security and development and safeguard regional peace and stability. Therefore, the primary element in the new security concept advocated by China is "mutual trust".

Second, the basic principles of military confidence-building are more specific, including setting political mutual trust as the groundwork, promoting common security as the goal, holding consultations on an equal footing, showing mutual respect for core interests and recognition of major security concerns, not targeting at any third country, and not threatening or harming other countries' security and stability so as to promote the establishment of equal, mutually beneficial and effective mechanisms for military confidence-building.

Third, military confidence-building has more substantial content, which includes defense and security consultations, border area confidence-building consultations, China-U. S. maritime security consultations, joint exercises by the Navies of China and Vietnam in the Beibu Gulf, the building of security dialogue mechanisms in the Asia-Pacific region, exchanges and cooperation with the armed forces of other countries, and development of the military relations with foreign countries in an omni-directional way.

5. On the cross-Straits military security mechanism of mutual trust

In my opinion, by describing for the first time "the establishment of the cross-Straits military security mutual trust" in the 2010 Defense White Paper, the Chinese government is undoubtedly conveying to the international community positive signals that the further development of cross-Straits relations is advancing peacefully.

The first signal is that "establishing the cross-Straits military mutual trust" reflects the common expectation for peace among compatriots on both sides of the Straits. As is discussed above, through conducting cross-Straits political negotiations, gradually solving the cross-Straits political problems, "establishing cross-Straits military mutual trust" and building a framework for the peaceful development of the cross-Straits relations so as to create an ensured and enduring relationship of peace and development for the compatriots on both sides of the Straits, are where the interests of all the compatriots and the interests of the Chinese nation lie, hence the peace aspirations shared by compatriots on both sides of the Straits.

The second signal is that "establishing the cross-Straits military mutual trust" is in accordance with the Common Vision for Cross-Straits Peaceful Development. At the invitation of the CPC Central Committee and General Secretary Hu Jintao, a delegation led by Lian Zhan, the then chairman of the Kuomintang of China (KMT) visited the mainland from April 26 to May 3, 2005. On April 29, Hu Jintao and Lian Zhan met in Beijing and afterwards jointly issued the Common Vision for Cross-Straits Peaceful Development. This statement, which resulted from the "Hu-Lian Meeting", put forward the goals "to end the state of hostility and reach a peace agreement" and "to establish a military mutual trust mechanism, to avoid cross-straits military conflict". This shows that the "establishment of cross-Straits military mutual trust" first put forward in the 2010 Defense White Paper is in line with, the expectations expressed in that statement.

The third signal is that "the establish­ment of the cross-Straits military mutual trust" is a must for the peaceful development of cross-Straits relations. At a press conference of the State Council's Taiwan Affairs Office on the morning of March 30 this year, Fan Liqing, spokeswoman for the Taiwan Affairs Office said "in 2005, KMT and CPC have issued the five common visions for cross-Straits peaceful development, one of which is formally ending the state of hostility and reaching a peace agreement". Currently we still up-hold the spirit of "building mutual trust, shelving disputes, seeking common ground while reserving differences, and creating 'win-win' development", and follow the steps of dealing with "economic issues first and political issues later, easy issues first and difficult issues later" to promote the cross-Straits negotiations and the development of cross-Straits relations. Of course political issues could not be shunned eventually and should be faced.

The fourth signal is that "the establishment of the cross-Straits military mutual trust" is also the irresistible trend of the peaceful development of cross-Straits relations. Jia Qinglin, Member of the CCP Central Committee Political Bureau Standing Committee and Chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference attended and made an important speech at the 2011 Conference on the Work Towards Taiwan held in Beijing from January 29 to 30, in which he noted that all relevant departments had carefully implemented the principles and policies on Taiwan Affairs laid down by the CPC Central Committee and practically and effectively carried out their work, creating a new situation in the peaceful development of cross-Straits relations. The signing and implementation of the cross-Straits Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement had opened a path for the normalization of cross-Straits economic relations and for the institutionalization of cross-Straits economic cooperation. Cross-Straits mutually beneficial cooperation has been deepened and the situation of cross-Straits massive exchanges in all walks of life has formed. The trend of peaceful development of cross-Straits relations has been further enhanced and produces ever broadening positive influence. Against this background, that the 2010 Defense White Paper put forward the " cross-Straits military confidence-building" for the first time is a ride on the waves in line with the general trend.

It is worthy of appreciation that on the exact day of March 31 when the Information Office of the State Council of the People's Republic of China released the 2010 Defense White Paper, Taiwan's mili­tary responded to it in a timely manner. According to the Central News Agency of Taiwan, the acting spokesman of the Taiwan military Luo Shaohe said that the military will follow the Taiwan authorities' cross-straits policy, and prudently, pragmatically and gradually promote the establishment of cross-Straits military mutual trust mechanism. Although these timely responses indicate that "there is no real planning at the moment", the statement that " Taiwan military will follow the Taiwan authorities' cross-straits policy and prudently, pragmatically and gradually promote the establishment of the cross-Straits mechanism for military mutual trust" is timely, positive, and worthy of our recognition and expectation.

(Translated by Hua Aiping)